By Prof. O. Igho Natufe I Sunday, Sept 20, 2026
LAGOS, Nigeria – As has been argued elsewhere, traditional rulership is fundamentally incongruous with a republican political system.
The search for a functional role for traditional rulers in the governance of Nigeria has been elusive, notwithstanding the promises of successive civilian and military governments to carve out a place for them in the Constitution.
The traditional rulers… even though powerless, are led by greed. They have sold their titles and respect for cash and influence on government appointments. The common man no longer bows to them. They have lost respect because they never earned it through service
Towards this end, the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida established a Political Bureau to, among other tasks, “review Nigeria’s political history and identify the basic problems which have led to our failure in the past and suggest ways of resolving and coping with these problems.” The Bureau, chaired by S. J. Cookey, included several prominent academics.
It is ironic that traditional rulers, who held exclusive executive and customary authority in their respective kingdoms prior to British colonial penetration, are now reduced to pleading for relevance in post-colonial Nigeria. Even under British rule, their roles were significantly diminished compared to their imperious past as they were transformed into administrative instruments of the British indirect rule system. Over time, their “subjects”—and particularly anti-colonial nationalists—began to question the validity of their continued status.
As Chief Obafemi Awolowo famously observed: “There is a mutual distrust verging on antagonism between the educated few and the Chiefs in Nigeria. The latter fear that the former are out to oust them from their privileged positions.”
This mutual distrust continues to define relations between traditional rulers and Nigeria’s political elite. Even when formal roles were created for traditional rulers in the regional Houses of Chiefs between 1954 and January 1966, they remained at the mercy of politicians who disposed of them whenever political expediency dictated.
This pattern has persisted into the Fourth Republic.
While the Political Bureau recognized the socio-cultural significance of traditional institutions—a view endorsed by the Babangida administration—it presented a stark set of structural options regarding their future. The Bureau outlined five options:
Outright abolition of the institution;
Co-optation into government;
Democratization to conform with modern processes of governance;
Maintenance of the status quo; and
Determination of their relevance and future directly by the people.
Ultimately, the Bureau recommended that “traditional rulers should have no specific role to play in government beyond the local government level, where they have relevance.” It added that “it is a misnomer, considering the scope and character of the contemporary Nigerian state, to call them traditional ‘rulers’.”
The Bureau reasoned that it made little sense to entrench individuals whose primary qualification is ascribed status into a political framework at a time when citizens were demanding a truly democratic polity. Furthermore, its final assessment delivered a scathing verdict: “They possess no special qualities to enable them to be used in enriching the political system or instilling moral rectitude in public life.”
To put it bluntly, the Political Bureau concluded that traditional rulers add no structural value to Nigeria’s democratic governance.
Despite these clear findings, critical questions remain: What are the practical implications of “co-optation”? How can traditional monarchies be “democratized” without destroying their heritage? What mechanisms should citizens use to determine their relevance? These unresolved dilemmas require urgent engagement as Nigerians continue to evaluate the role of traditional institutions.
A Systemic Descent into Partisanship
Recent developments in Delta State highlight the urgent nature of this debate. On September 10, 2026, the Forum of Urhobo Traditional Rulers (Ukoko R’Ivie R’Urhobo) adopted Delta State Governor, Rt. Hon. Sheriff Francis Oborevwori, as the “sole candidate of the Urhobo Nation for the 2027 governorship election.”
Although the spokesperson for the forum, HRM Dr. Monday Obukohwo Whiskey (Udurhie I, Ovie of Idjerhe Kingdom), claimed that the monarchs remain “strictly apolitical,” their explicit endorsement of Governor Oborevwori—accompanied by a decree that no other Urhobo governorship aspirant will be received or given royal blessings—makes a complete mockery of political neutrality.
This open alignment echoes public criticisms of the institution across the country. In a widely read essay titled “If Nigeria is not divided, we will never have any sense in the North,” commentator Mohammed Bello Doka characterized traditional rulers as “glorified cultural dancers with big turbans and zero real authority.”
He noted further:
“The traditional rulers… even though powerless, are led by greed. They have sold their titles and respect for cash and influence on government appointments. The common man no longer bows to them. They have lost respect because they never earned it through service.”
Regrettably, this harsh critique increasingly applies to numerous traditional stools in Southern Nigeria, including Delta State.
In January 2026, Governor Oborevwori presented 60 brand-new Toyota Prados and five Land Cruisers to traditional rulers across Delta State, describing the monarchs as “tools of service” and “vital intermediaries between government and the people at the grassroots.” The Governor’s framing of traditional rulers as “tools of service” displays a striking conceptual continuity with their historical role as administrative instruments under British indirect rule.
In response to the gift, the Chairman of the Delta State Council of Traditional Rulers, HRM Orhue I (the Orodje of Okpe Kingdom), assured the Governor of the traditional institution’s “unwavering support” for his administration.
When the Urhobo monarchs subsequently met at the Palace of the Ovie of Uvwie Kingdom to issue their partisan endorsement, it raised fundamental questions: Is there a direct correlation between the distribution of 65 luxury SUVs in January 2026 and the political declaration in September 2026? Is this alignment a mere coincidence, or a transactional quid pro quo?
Contrast this with the stance of Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, who recently advised traditional rulers to steer clear of politics and embrace all political actors impartially, warning that any traditional ruler involved in active politics would be treated as an ordinary politician. That warning should serve as an explicit standard for traditional rulers across Nigeria.
The Urhobo Traditional Rulers are strongly advised to reverse their ill-considered endorsement to protect the sanctity of their ancient thrones. By publicly taking sides, they bring disrepute to their institutions and compromise the dignity of their royal titles. Otherwise, they must be prepared to be treated strictly as political actors, with all the partisan consequences that accompany electoral campaigns.
Identity, Autonomy, and the Okpe Nation
Of particular concern to the Okpe Union—the socio-cultural mouthpiece of the Okpe Nation—is the participation of our revered monarch, HRM Orhue I, the Orodje of Okpe Kingdom, in the forum of Urhobo Traditional Rulers. By participating in this collective endorsement under an Urhobo umbrella, the Orodje has inappropriately subsumed Okpe ethnic identity under an Urhobo designation.
This act directly contradicts historical facts, as well as the Orodje’s own publicly stated positions affirming Okpe as an independent and distinct ethnic nationality. Notably, in his Keynote Address at the 3rd Annual General Meeting of the Okpe Union of North America, the Orodje declared:
“Okpe is a unique ethnic nationality. It has distinctive roots in ancient history, tradition, culture, customs and language. Our people are rooted in migration from the Bini Kingdom… Of all these nationalities, Okpe history, language, tradition, and culture are closer to those of Bini which form part of the Edo group of languages.”
Furthermore, authoritative documentation by the Udogun Okpe—the supreme traditional administrative body of the Okpe Kingdom—states emphatically:
“Okpe is indubitably known to be a distinct and autonomous Kingdom, an ethnic entity from its beginning. The people and their language are distinct and are named after their progenitor, Okpe, whose four sons founded present-day Okpe Kingdom.”
Regrettably, this is not the first instance of partisan involvement by the palace. In late March 2025, during a reception for First Lady Senator Oluremi Tinubu in Asaba, the Orodje declared on behalf of the traditional council that “come 2027, we Deltans will vote for President Tinubu.”
Similarly, during the 2023 general elections, a palace-aligned faction urged Okpe citizens to vote exclusively for candidates of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). That attempt to influence the vote was meant to undermine Okpe candidates running on rival party platforms—such as Senator Ede Dafinone of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Hon. Ben Etanabene of the Labour Party (LP), both of whom ultimately won their elections despite palace interference.
Conclusion
A monarch who campaigns for a specific candidate or political party betrays the trust of his citizens. In doing so, the ruler converts the royal palace into an election campaign headquarters, stripping the throne of its sacred neutrality. The monarch ceases to be a father figure to all citizens and becomes an errand runner for the government of the day, sacrificing prestige and compromising the sovereignty of the kingdom.
No traditional ruler—including the Orodje of Okpe Kingdom—possesses the constitutional or moral authority to dictate how Deltans or Okpe nationals must vote. Nigeria is a constitutional democracy, not an absolute monarchy.
Traditional rulers must either maintain absolute political neutrality or formally step down from their thrones to join political parties of their choice. Hiding behind the sanctity of a palace while engaging in partisan politics under the guise of being “apolitical” is disingenuous and unacceptable.
The electorate will vote according to their conscience and ignore political royal decrees. Okpe nationals and Deltans at large will exercise their democratic right to choose their representatives freely. In a constitutional democracy, the will of the people must always prevail over royal dictat.
Prof. O. Igho Natufe is the President-General of the Okpe Union (Worldwide) and writes from Lagos.